Indian Council of World Affairs

Abstract: A conflict lasting for the last seven decades has relegated the common Balochis to fight against the state for their right to life, liberty and identity. The conflict seems to be reaching a tipping point with the resignation of the former Chief Minister of Balochistan from the National Assembly citing gross disregard by the present federal government of the province’s grievances. 

Introduction 

Amongst the provinces in Pakistan, Balochistan province has been witnessing growing friction between the common masses and provincial groups on the one hand and law enforcement agencies and the federal government on the other. This has led to peaceful protests led by some groups as well as violent outbursts carried out by others against the state machinery. The province is marred by underdevelopment, ethnic cleavages and exploitation by the federal government of provincial resources, which has led to instability and conflict in the province. 

The conflict has historically brewed between ethnic Balochis and the Pakistani government since independence. It has evolved into a rather violent conflict in recent years based on language, ethnicity, history, geographical distinctions, sectarian dissimilarities, colonial stigmas and political alienation. The apathy shown by politicians in the federal parliament, the military establishment (which is seen to be run by Punjabis and is commonly called the Punjabi Army in Balochistan[i]), as well as the judiciary for addressing issues pertaining to the common Balochis, has intensified the alienation amongst the masses in the province. The grievance and frustration of the common masses were further pushed aside by puppet governments in the province, as these governments worked more for the interests of national parties rather than the people of the province. 

Many studies have been carried out, analysing the history of the Baloch conflict, to understand, assess and analyse the manner in which the region has undergone incessant tumultuous periods of conflict between the ethnic Balochis, the Pakistan Army and the federal government. Studies done by Amir Rana, Anas Malik, Bizanjo and others have narrated various perspectives of the conflict that had its genesis even long before the creation of Pakistan. This paper will analyse the ongoing conflict, assessing the present situation. 

The Conflict in Balochistan

Balochistan is chiefly a tribal society that is geographically the largest province of Pakistan (46 per cent of the land mass) but the smallest by population (about 6 per cent of the total population).[ii] Balochistan has the poorest socio-economic development indicators amongst any province in Pakistan, where the democratic state institutions have remained fragile. The history of post-independence Balochistan is replete with insurgency and rebellion, as well as state attempts to crush both. Similar to colonial British rulers, the modern Pakistani state under the military establishment and the civilian regimes in Islamabad has exploited the province for its natural resources and its geo-strategic position. The situation in Balochistan has remained extremely volatile, and the province is embroiled in multiple violent conflicts and intermittent attacks on civilians, army personnel and foreign workers, who are seen to be in cohort with the federal government, robbing the resources of the province.[iii]

To identify the main factors that has sustained the disgruntlement in the province can be assessed by the following factors. 

Political Mis-Rule, Exploitation and Suppression: Balochistan’s history, since the time of the formation of the country, represents an unending narrative of incessant conflicts.[iv] Presently, the Baloch nationalism that threatens the legitimacy of the federal government has emerged with the emancipation of the Baloch middle class and intelligentsia.[v] During the eighties and nineties, due to political and economic instability and intermittent conflict, the tribal youth either moved outside the province or moved abroad. Most of them have returned back as the educated middle class of today, having modern ideas, developing a sense of strong ethno-nationalism and belonging to their territory. This ethno-nationalism has grown on their distinct tribal identities, their language and the land that they belong from. However, they have remained excluded from high positions in the administration or the Army, as it is mostly occupied by people from the provinces of Punjab and Sindh.[vi]

The state apparatus has been ruthless in suppressing any resentment or unrest in the province, especially in 1948, 1958, the 1973–77 phase or the post-2004 period. With the assassination of Nawab Akbar Bugti in August 2006 during the Musharraf regime, who has been a major political voice of the province, intermittent insurgency and conflict continues till date. Along with severe repression, the Army had tried for reconciliation leading to the surrender of militants during 2016-2017. However, there was no attempt to address the major conflict drivers like the construction and development of the Gwadar mega-port projects along with other ventures under the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in the province (which is seen as a venture to exploit the people and resources of the province), the exploitation of the Sui gas reserves, which has benefitted the people of the Punjab province and the development of the Reko Diq Mine, famous for its gold and copper reserves. In all these projects, the revenues generated has not been distributed in a way that could benefit the people of the province, which has been a major factor of disgruntlement and alienation. Another driver has been the political instability in Afghanistan, having a major impact on Balochistan. Further, there has been mis-governance of the federal or the provincial government, which could not develop or satisfy the basic needs of the people, including access of drinking water, health or sanitation facilities or developing proper educational or technical institutions. There was also been “systematic political elimination” of Baloch representation from the province.[vii] 

The three largest tribal groups in the province are the Mengal, the Marri and the Bugti. The Pakistan Army has targeted specific tribes, like the Bugti, and the Pakistan Army has been selective in suppressing specific tribes making attempts to create dissension and alienation within the tribes. However, the Army believes that all militant fronts, including the Balochistan Liberation Army and the Balochistan Liberation Unity Front are merely fronts for tribal fighters attempting to extract revenues from the state.[viii] This was followed by the federal government’s policy of combining force with pretension, which played a major role in befooling the Balochi masses. Sponsoring religious parties to counter Balochi nationalist groups, major resettlement of other tribes in the region, changing the demographic character and declaring projects that were either never started or never completed became the moves of the federal government to keep the province baffled.[ix] Nawab Bugti before his assassination in August 2006 had said “The dispute is about the national rights of the Baloch … and if the government accepted these rights then there would be no dispute.”[x] It should be noted that every year, during his death anniversary large-scale protests and violence has been witnessed throughout the province.[xi]

Issue of Enforced Disappearances and Extra-Judicial Killings: To suppress any protest or unrest, the Army, along with the law enforcement agencies, have been involved in enforced disappearances and custodial and extrajudicial killings. This issue has been discussed by Pakistan human rights groups and other non-governmental institutions. Though it is difficult to identify a specific number of people missing, the Voice for Baloch Missing Persons, a non-profit organisation representing family members of those who disappeared in Balochistan, says approximately 7,000 cases have been registered with them since 2004.[xii] False promises by federal leaders under every political regime in the last two decades, as well as the dubious role of the judiciary has further intensified the dissent amongst the masses.  Former Supreme Court Justice, Javed Iqbal, stated in 2010 that “the disappearances of people of Balochistan are the most burning issue in the country. Due to this issue, the situation in Balochistan is at its worst.”[xiii] This has been followed by many other statements by members of the judiciary to no avail. Presently, the movement for the missing or the people who have been killed is being led by Mahrang Baloch, leader of the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC). A human rights activist, she has been protesting against the abduction of Baloch people since 2006, three years before her father, a political activist, “disappeared”. His tortured body was found in 2011.[xiv] She has been one of the leaders, who have been a major voice for the missing persons, and has also been an inspiration for women from the families facing such disappearances’, joining Mahrang’s peaceful protests in thousands. However, they had to face severe repression by law enforcement agencies while carrying out such peaceful protests. 

Nothing has improved in the last 14 years, after numerous promises and pledges were made by the judiciary and civilian governments to find a solution to the crisis. Rather, frequent discoveries of mass graves have occurred within the province. In the year 2012, more than 110 dead bodies were found in Balochistan (the number reflects bodies that were recognised and returned to the deceased’s family and excludes unrecognised bodies).[xv] The discovery of a mass grave containing an unspecified number of bodies in Khuzdar and Turbat districts of the province throughout the years, most of them decomposed beyond recognition.[xvi]

The Present Status and its Impact 

In the last few months, there has been a steady rise of violence and targeted attacks in Balochistan. On 25 August 2024, 39 people were killed when a coordinated attack was carried out on police stations, railway lines and highways. Further, 34 more were killed in retaliation by the Pakistani security forces. The 34 included Pakistani soldiers and police personnel and attackers. This happened in Pakistan’s south-western province of Balochistan.[xvii]

Akbar Mengal, the former Chief Minister of Balochistan and head of the Balochistan National Party — Mengal (BNP-M), who continues to be a major political voice in Balochistan, resigned from the National Assembly on September 3. He resigned from the parliament due to the current situation in Balochistan. He stated, “Our province has consistently been marginalised and ignored by this house. Each day, we are pushed further against the wall, leaving us with no choice but to reconsider our roles … it has become increasingly clear that our attempts to speak or protest are met with hostility; our people are either silenced, labelled as traitors, or worse, killed. Under such circumstances, I find it impossible to continue in this capacity, as my presence here no longer serves any purpose for the people I represent.”[xviii] He has recently asked the youth of the province to take revenge against those who were responsible to bringing tragedy after tragedy into their lives but requested not to take the lives of civilians.[xix]

The attacks and killings of Punjabis and foreign officials and personnel will have a deeper social and economic impact not only on the Baloch province but the nation as a whole. It may trigger large-scale sectarian violence. So long as the grievances and reasons for alienation between the myriad ethnic identities, remains unaddressed, the Baloch insurgency will continue to fester.[xx] No suppression by brute force can be a solution till all the stakeholders are brought into dialogue not only for truth and reconciliation but for an enduring peace for the future.

*****

*Dr. Dhrubajyoti Bhattacharjee, Research Fellow, Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA)
Disclaimer: The views expressed are personal.

Endnotes

[i] “Balochistan: Abused by Pakistan, looted by China,” DD News, September 2, 2024, https://ddnews.gov.in/en/balochistan-abused-by-pakistan-looted-by-china/, Accessed on September 04, 2024.

[ii] Paul Titus, “Honour the Baloch, Buy the Pushtun: Stereotypes, Social Organization and History in Western Pakistan,” Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32(3) (1998), pp. 657-687; Paul Titus and Nina Swindler, “Knights not Pawns: Ethno-Nationalism and Regional Dynamics in Post-Colonial Balochistan,” International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, vol. 32(1) (2000), pp. 47-69.

[iii] Human Rights Watch, Pakistan – We Can Torture, Kill or Keep You for Years: Enforced Disappearances in Pakistan by Security Forces in Balochistan, July 2011, https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/pakistan0711WebInside.pdf; Human Rights Watch, Pakistan – Their Future is at Stake: Attacks on Teachers and Schools in Pakistan’s Balochistan Province, December 2010, https://www.hrw.org/report/2010/12/13/their-future-stake/attacks-teachers-and-schools-pakistans-balochistan-province; Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), Conflict in Balochistan – Human Rights Violations, Report of HRC Fact-Finding Missions, January 7, 2006, http://hrcp-web.org/hrcpweb/wp-content/pdf/ff/20.pdf; Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, Pushed to the Wall – Report of Fact-Finding Mission to Balochistan, October 11, 2009, http://hrcp-web.org/hrcpweb/wp-content/pdf/ff/14.pdf; Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, Hopes, Fears and Alienation in Balochistan – Report of Fact Finding Mission, August 2012, http://hrcp-web.org/publication/book/hopes-fears-and-alienation-in-balochistan; International Crisis Group, Reforming Pakistan’s Police.

[iv] “This Crooked System: Police Abuse and Reform in Pakistan,” Human Rights Watch, September 25, 2016, https://www.hrw.org/report/2016/09/25/crooked-system/police-abuse-and-reform-pakistan#page, Accessed on August 30, 2024.

[v] M.I. Laif and M.A. Hamza, “Ethnic Nationalism in Pakistan: A Case Study of Baloch Nationalism during Musharraf Regime,” Journal of Pakistan Vision, vol. 1, no. 1, 2000, p. 67.

[vi] Zofia Mroczek, “A New Society in Pakistani Balochistan,” ISPI, Analysis No. 266, July 2014, p. 2.

[vii] MGB Bizenjo, (2006). The Baloch cultural heritage. Karachi: Royal Book Company, Rehana Saeed Hashmi (2015), “Baloch Ethnicity: An analysis of the issue and conflict with state”, JRSP, Vol. 52, No. 1, January-June, pp. 57-84

[viii] Robert Wirsing (2008), Baloch Nationalism and the Geopolitics of Energy Resources: The Changing Context of Separatism in Pakistan (Strategic Studies Institute, April, p. 22

[ix] Mickey Kupeez, “Pakistan’s Baloch Insurgency: History, Conflict Drivers, and Regional Implications”, The International Affairs Review, May 16, 2024, https://www.iar-gwu.org/print-archive/8er0x982v5pj129srhre98ex6u8v8n, Accessed on 13 September 2024.

[x] Carlotta Gall, “In Remote Pakistan Province, a Civil War Festers,” The New York Times, April 2, 2006, http://www.nytimes.com/2006/04/02/world/asia/02pakistan.html?_r=0, Accessed on August 30, 2024.

[xi] Carlotta Gall, “Tribal Leader’s Killing Incites Riots in Pakistan”, The New York Times, August 28, 2006, http://www.nytimes.com/2006/08/28/world/asia/28pakistan.html; “Akbar Bugti death anniversary: Shutter-down strike in Balochistan,” The Express Tribune, August 26, 2013; Amanullah Kasi, “Nawab Bugti’s death. anniversary observed,” Dawn, August 27, 2015; “BRP commemorates Nawab Akbar Bugti’s death anniversary worldwide”, Afghanistan Times, August 27, 2016, http://afghanistantimes.af/brp-commemorates-nawab-akbar-bugtis-death-anniversary-worldwide/, “Pakistan witnessed 59 terror attacks in August,” The Indian Express, September 03, 2024, https://indianexpress.com/article/pakistan/pakistan-59-terror-attacks-august-balochistan-khyber-9547594/lite/, Accessed on September 04, 2024.

[xii] “Pakistan: Marching for the thousands who disappeared in Balochistan”, BBC, 3 February 2024, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-68125590 Accessed on 13 September, 2024.

[xiii] “We Can Torture, Kill, or Keep You for Years” - Enforced Disappearances by Pakistan Security Forces in Balochistan,” Human Rights Watch, 2011, https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/pakistan0711WebInside.pdf.

[xiv] “‘She has won our hearts and minds’: can one woman unite the Baloch people in peaceful resistance?”, The Guardian, 31 August 2024, https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/article/2024/aug/31/can-one-woman-unite-the-baloch-people-in-peaceful-resistance-balochistan-pakistan-mahrang, Accessed on 13 September 2024.

[xv] “Balochistan: Giving the People a Chance,” Report of an HRCP fact-finding mission, Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, June 22-25, 2013, http://www.hrcp-web.org/hrcpweb/wp-content/pdf/Balochistan%20Report%20New%20Final.pdf.

[xvi] Asad Toor, “EXCLUSIVE: Sardar Akhtar Mengal unmasked who is responsible of crisis in Balochistan? Big Interview”, YouTube, 5 September 2024, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X9y5iOFWBM0 , Accessed on September 13, 2024.

[xvii] “Balochistan: Abused by Pakistan, looted by China,” DD News, September 2, 2024, https://ddnews.gov.in/en/balochistan-abused-by-pakistan-looted-by-china/, Accessed on September 04, 2024.

[xviii] “Akhtar Mengal ‘quits’ NA over apathy towards Balochistan,” Dawn, September 04, 2024, https://www.dawn.com/news/1856814/akhtar-mengal-quits-na-over-apathy-towards-balochistan, Accessed on September 04, 2024.

[xix] Wajahat S. Khan, EXCLUSIVE: What's Wrong with Balochistan? Rare Interview with Akhtar Mengal, Youtube, August 31, 2024, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HD1oAg3jjjg, Accessed on September 04, 2024

[xx] Sanjay Pulipaka, “On the unrest in the Balochistan region,” The Hindu, August 26, 2024, https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/balochistan-unrest-causes-reasons/article68570181.ece, Accessed on September 04, 2024.